Cancel Your Gym Membership (And Uber Rides, Lawn Services, Dog Walker, etc.)

Be honest. How often do you pay to avoid physical activity and then pay again to reintroduce it?

  • People pay Uber drivers, Door-dashers, and dog walkers to spare themselves from walking a couple miles. Then they pay again to walk those miles on a treadmill.
  • People pay others to mow grass, rake leaves, shovel snow, etc. Then they pay again to do exercises that involve the same movements.
  • People pay to send their kids to sedentary activities. Then they pay again to enroll the kids in some sort of compensatory, structured exercise routine.

Paying to save some time or effort is not irrational. But we often pay again to spend that “saved” time and effort doing what we already paid someone else to do. Paying twice? Without net savings of time or effort? That might be irrational.

In this post, I’ll elaborate on the issue, argue that we can do something about it, respond to a few objections, propose some experiments, and ask for your input.

Continue reading Cancel Your Gym Membership (And Uber Rides, Lawn Services, Dog Walker, etc.)

Implicit Bias & Philosophy


This week, I’m talking about implicit bias over at The Brains Blog. I’m including my portion of the discussion below.

1.  The Implicit Association Test (IAT)

A screen recording of the race implicit association test

The implicit association test (IAT) is one way to measure implicitly biased behavior. In the IAT, “participants […] are asked to rapidly categorize two [kinds of stimuli] (black vs. white [faces]) [into one of] two attributes (‘good’ vs. ‘bad’). Differences in response latency (and sometimes differences in error-rates) are then treated as a measure of the association between the target [stimuli] and the target attribute” (Huebner 2016). Likewise, changes in response latencies and error-rates resulting from experimental interventions are treated as experimentally manipulated changes in associations.

2.  The Effect Of Philosophy

As philosophers, we are in the business of arguments and their propositions, not associations. So we might wonder whether we can use arguments to intervene on our implicitly biased behavior. And it turns out that we can — even if the findings are not always significant and the effect sizes are often small. Some think that this effect of arguments on IAT performance falsifies the idea that implicitly biased behavior is realized by associations (Mandelbaum 2015). The idea is that propositions are fundamentally different than associations. So associations cannot be modified by propositions. So if an arguments’ propositions can change participants’ implicitly biased behavior — as measured by the IAT — then implicit biases might “not [be] predicated on [associations] but [rather] unconscious propositionally structured beliefs” (Mandelbaum 2015, bracketed text and italics added). But there is some reason to think that such falsification relies on oversimplification. After all, there are many processes involved in our behavior — implicitly biased or otherwise. So there are many processes that need to be accounted for when trying to measure the effect of an intervention on our implicitly biased behavior — e.g., participants’ concern about discrimination, their motivation to respond without prejudice (Plant & Devine, 1998), and their personal awareness of bias. So what happens when we control for these variables? In many cases, we find that argument-like interventions on implicitly biased behavior are actually explained by changes in participants’ concern(s), motivation(s), and/or awareness, but not changes in associations (Devine, Forscher, Austin, and Cox 2013; Conrey, Sherman, Gawronski, Hugenberg, and Groom 2005). Continue reading Implicit Bias & Philosophy